Category: Data Protection

data protection

  • It’s Data and Contracts all the Way Down!

    The Tallaght Hospital story is a salutatory tale of what can go wrong when engaging third parties to perform any service for your organisation.

    Left to their own devices and absent any control or governance framework that can verify that what is to be done has been done (in its entirety) and has been done in keeping with the requisite standards under the agreement outsourcers may deviate from task, get creative, or just get down right sloppy and careless.

    When the outsourcing relationship consists of a chain of parties (an Irish entity, a UK entity, entities in 3rd countries) then things become even more complicated.

    The Data Protection Acts require that Data Controllers put in place a contract in writing with Data Processors. This contract should, at a minimum, include specifications as to the security standards and protocols that should be in place. Ideally it should also grant the Data Controller a right of audit and inspection of those standards.

    Things get really interesting when you bring multiple processors into the mix because the Data Controller continues to carry responsibility through the chain of contracts (or absence of contractual chain).

    The Data Controller has to be able to look through the layers of contract and see the Data Processor at the end and be sure that they are acting in a manner that is consistent with the requirement of the parent agreement between them and Processor 1.

    And if the data is moving around jurisdictions (such as out of the EEA) this becomes even more critical.

    So. When you are engaging a chain of data processors to do things on your behalf, it is important to remember that it is turtles all the way down. And if not turtles than at least Processors, contracts, and data.

  • Turd Polishing

    In the course of a twitter conversation with Jim Harris I used the phrase “turd polishing” to describe what happens when organisations try to implement check-box based data governance or Compliance programmes, or invest in business intelligence or analytics strategies without

    • fixing the data which under pins those strategies
    • addressing the organisational cultural and structural issues which have lead to the problem in the first place.
    I have witnessed this happening with organisations who, for example, decide that investing in e-learning with a “learning kpi” (x% of staff having reached y% pass mark on an multiple choice exam with a 1 in 4 chance of guessing the right answer) is their approach to evidencing culture change and the embedding of learning.
    Of course, this fails miserably when
    • The cultural message is that data job isn’t as important as the Day Job
    • The management practice is to game the system (why take all your staff off the phones to do the learning when you have one person on the team who knows it who can do the exams for everyone with their logins?)
    • Management look only at the easy numbers (the easily gathered test scores at the end of an assessment period).
    • If management seek to rule by fear or quota (“hit these numbers and those numbers or else….”)
    If management seek to overlay a veneer of good governance on an unaligned/misaligned  and otherwise outright broken Quality Culture that doesn’t seek to value or maximise the value of their Information are engaging in little more than Turd Polishing. Turd Polishing can be seen in organisations that value Scrap and Rework over re-engineering as a way to address their quality goals. Turd Polishing can be seen in organisations that fudge reports to Regulators or announce “reviews” of issues that everyone has already identified the root causes of around the water coolers and coffee jugs.
    No amount of elbow grease and turd polish will change the underlying essence of what is being done. Nothing will improve, but increasing amounts of polish will be required to dress up the turd as a sustainable change programme.
    The alternative is to call a turd a turd but work with it to bring out the special properties of manure that can help promote growth and give rise to sweet smelling flowers. That requires spade work and patience to bring about the change of state from turd to engine of growth. But no polishing is required.
    In summary – turd polishing gives you a shiny turd that is still a turd. Digging into the manure can lead to you coming up roses.
  • The missing link in Compliance and Governance

    Over the years I’ve done a lot of work in the area of Regulatory Compliance and Information Quality. Whether it is Data Protection, Information Quality, Governance or Compliance, it is important to bear in mind that what we are dealing with a Quality Management System:

    • Data Protection Compliance is the Quality System where by the obligations and expectations which arise under Data Protection/Privacy laws are met consistently
    • Information Quality programmes involve, by definition, the implementation of a Quality Management System
    • Information/Data Governance… well, that’s another form of Quality Management System
    • Complying with other forms of industry or Governmental regulation… well, the best way to achieve those objectives is through some form of systemic approach to meeting or exceeding expectations.

    In my experience Compliance and Governance initiatives and strategies tend to fall into three camps:

    1. Documentation Driven by “Rules Wizards”, with extensive policy and procedure documentation, usually from the comfort of an Ivory Tower in the Business that is comfortably removed from GEMBA
    2. Technology Triggered by “Techno-Lords”, usually from within the bowels of the organisation’s IT department, which is also often at a distance from the place where the work is actually getting done.
    3. Awareness and Attitude Oriented: Driven by a “Coalition of the Willing”, with a focus on policy that is actually executed through the appropriate use of supporting technologies and a strong focus on the “Human Factors” that lead to awareness and understanding of the required changes.

    Often it is difficult to see which kind of initiative you are dealing with. In organisations that have a “Document Driven” approach, management take comfort in the fact that they have documented procedures and policies for everything therefore everything is in control. In “Technology Triggered” initiatives, the management of the organisation places a blind faith in the power of technology to protect, prevent, detect, and mitigate issues.

    Both approaches are doomed to failure. Neither, no matter how sophisticated, can ever deliver anything other than “small ‘c’” compliance. Because Quality Systems are about more than just documentation or technology. Real quality requires a sustainable change in attitudes and awareness. After all, Deming’s 1st two points of Management Transformation are not “Write documents” or “Get good technology”: They is “Create a Constancy of Purpose” and “Adopt the New Philosophy”.

    Purpose and Philosophy require that the organisation look at the attitudes that are there. It is as important to understand and articulate a Vision for the Quality System… and to make sure that that Vision is embedded in the mind-sets and attitudes of the staff in the organisation.

    At a conference in London in 2005 Joyce Orsini of Fordham University shared a story with me of a trip W.Edwards Deming (she was working with Deming at the time) took to an automobile manufacturer in the US in the mid 1980s. On this trip the plant manager took great pride in showing off the robots (technology) that they were using to manufacture the cars. Deming noticed that every time the robot arm swung over the car it dented the boot (trunk) lid of the car. He asked if this was part of the Quality Standard (Policies). The Plant Manager said no, it wasn’t, but they had a man at the end of the production line with a hammer to knock the dent back out.

    A lack of awareness about the operation and objectives of the Quality System and what it meant as a value system meant that no-one in the plant seems to have questioned the operation of the Quality System.

    Without Awareness and Attitude the investment in Documentation and Technology that form part of the Quality System will ultimately have sub-optimal return.

  • New Rules, Old Principles

    This was first posted on the Irish Computer Society Data Protection Blog. I am republishing it here as it is my original work and I am putting all my Data Protection musings in one place.

    So, the revised e-Privacy Directive has been given legal effect as of 1st July (only a little over a month late). The Data Protection Commissioner has issued revised guidance on the processing of personal data in the context of electronic communications. Some of what is contained in this legislation is new. However, even the new stuff is merely an incremental evolution of the underlying principles of Data Protection to address the privacy concerns presented by new technologies, the maturing of existing technologies, and the emergence of new ways of processing personal data.

    The key to ensuring compliance with these revised rules is to ensure that you have a solid understanding of the underlying principles of Data Protection and the role of information in your organisation (it’s meaning and purpose) so that you can better understand how the actions of your staff and the systems you use to interact with your customers might affect your ability to work within the regulations.

    An earlier post discussed the likely impact on Cookies from the regulations. In short, you need to understand when, where, how, and why your websites and mobile device apps are writing data to your customer’s “subscriber equipment” [aka the device that is at the end of the telecommunications service connection, be that a physical phone line, wifi, 3G, GPRS, HSPDA etc.]. Once you know that information you can figure out what data storage requires consent and what data storage is essential to the delivery of the information age service.

    Another interesting and subtle change is that the Commissioner has removed the ‘grey area’ around collecting email addresses in business networking or similar activities. Before there was an assumption of “one bite free” where you could contact people once but give them the option to opt out of future contact. This is now very categorically an opt-in thing where you are sending emails to an identifiable natural person, particularly where that person is not party to a customer relationship.

    You can still avail of the “free bite of the apple” when dealing with non-individually identifiable business entities, and with individuals in organisationswho might reasonably be interested in the product, service, or subject matter of the message.

    A worked example might help explain this better.

    • Frank is a sales man for BloggoTech. At a trade fair he meets Jerry, who is a purchasing manager from ClientCo, who BloggoTech have an existing relationship with.
    • Frank also meets Mary, a marketing manager from ProspectCo. Neither Mary nor ProspectCo are clients of Bloggotech.
    • Jerry gives Frank an email address to contact him at: Jerry.Client@ClientCo.ie
    • Frank also has ClientCo’s general contact email address: info@clientco.ie
    • Mary gives Frank her business card with email, phone, SMS etc.
    • The business card also has “info@prospectco.com” as a general contact email address.

    Frank can contact Jerry by any contact point he has for him (subject to Jerry making his preferences known) because ClientCo are an existing client who have purchased within the last 12 months. As soon as Jerry asks Frank to stop contact him by whatever contact mechanisms or for whatever purposes, Frank must do so.

    Mary, however, poses a problem in light of the revised guidance. If Frank has not gotten her permission to do a follow up contact with her then the only email address he can use is the “info@prospectco.com” email, unless he is communicating with Mary about something that he knows will be of interest to her. Of course, he has the option of sending a fax for her attention (which the company can opt out of), or posting her materials by snail mail (which she can opt out of).

    This relates to the fundamental principle that personal data must be obtained fairly, for a specified and lawful purpose.

    Many people might protest that requiring people at conferences to get consent before doing a follow up contact is unduly burdensome but it is actually quite simple. When handing over your business cards, simply ask “Is it OK if I drop you an email later in the week with some information about [insert subject matter here] and a link to our newsletter sign up?”. This simple conversation point clarifies that you will be contact the person, and clarifies the context in which you will be communicating with them.

    There.. consent obtained.

    The real challenge is presented to event organisers who might share lists of delegates at an event with other attendees. Care must be taken to remove any means of electronic contact. But most large data management events I attend provide heavily redacted delegate lists that identify the person and the company, and perhaps their country, but not enough that you could contact them directly from it. So, event organisers need to start thinking about contact information as valuable data which should not be shared.

    I’ve had experience with a business networking event sharing my details willy-nilly in an attachment sent to the other 100+ people who had registered for the event (which would be a notifiable disclosure under the Data Breach Code of Practice). The problem could have been prevented by simply having an opt-in box telling me that my details could be shared if I wanted them to be.

    In short… designing privacy into the process, not inspecting breaches out.

    Companies exhibiting at events need to up their game away from the “business card fishbowl” with a spurious raffle to collate contact details. Again, a little thought can help design a safer and more compliant process (a tick box for consent to further contact for purposes not related to the raffle for example, or clarification that anyone entering the raffle will receive one marketing email). After all, if the guidance from the DPC is that the communication needs to be relevant to the interests of the Data Subject, I might only want to receive communications from the company about the iPad I’ve won.

    The new rules are built on old principles. If you understand the principles and take them to heart you can begin to develop strategies for using the new rules to your advantage.

  • Three strikes – you’re out(?)

    I’ve recently been pondering the 3-strikes process which is used by eircom to police illegal content uploaders and the Data Protection implications of same. [By way of full disclosure, I used to work there in a role that involved me analysing processes and finding out where they were broken and potentially non-compliant with host of regulations. That said, given that when employed there a big part of my job was to call b*llshit on defective processes and get them fixed or killed, I would not consider myself an apologist for eircom].

    The process (as I understand it) is this.

    1. A person goes onto torrent site and seeds a torrent with copyright protected material.
    2. As part of seeding the torrent, their IP address is published in the torrent service.
    3. A 3rd party company monitors torrents and flags to eircom IP addresses and details of copyrighted materials that are being seeded.
    4. eircom checks the IP addresses provided against the IP addresses in use by customers at the time of the seeding and a letter is produced informing the customer that copyright protected content was being distributed illegally via their account. They are given three chances to prevent this distribution before their account is suspended.

    So. What is happening here? An illegal act is being committed in a public place (IP addresses are published in the torrent service). This public data is passed to an ISP who seeks to associate the IP address with a named ‘controller’ of the service, who is then advised that an illegal act was committed using their service and advising them to ensure that the activity ceases.  Music labels are not told of the offenders. Personal data of eircom customers is not transferred to music labels.

    No data is passed about individual customers to any 3rd party by eircom. eircom acts on public data compiled and processed by a 3rd party on their behalf. Eircom processes this information in order to enforce sections 5.5 and 5.6 of the Terms and Conditions which govern their Broadband service.

    The analogy I would draw is with the system for enforcing speed limits using traffic cameras. If your car is on the motorway doing 135kmh and you are snapped by a traffic camera in a GATSO van operated by a private company working on behalf of the authorities, your car registration number and the record of the speed you were doing when snapped is sent for processing against the vehicle licensing database which associates the registration number with a named person (the registered owner of the car). A few weeks after you are snapped you receive a letter in the post with a copy of the photograph, details of the speed, and details of the fine you will have to pay.

    An illegal act, in a public place, where a publicly visible identifier can be recorded, which can then be associated with other information to identify the nominated responsible person for the conduct of that vehicle. The parallel is, at least to me, very clear.

    It is also very clear that in both the Broadband case and the Traffic camera case that there are certain evidentiary controls that need to be in place to ensure that data is being processed fairly and accurately and appropriate safeguards need to be in place to ensure that data is not processed or disclosed unlawfully.

    For example, eircom recently had an issue where a number of customers received warning letters about downloading which did not relate to them. The root cause was a failure of a server to update to Summer Time from Daylight Savings time, meaning the timestamps associated with IP addresses were out by an hour. Accurate timestamping and recording of location data of traffic cameras is also important, as the Australian State of New South Wales and the US  city of Long View discovered recently.

    Of course, it is important to point out that eircom did not send personal data about Customer A to Customer B. They simply attributed, erroneously, the actions of Customer A to Customer B.

    The Data Protection Acts do not provide a shield behind which people who commit offences can hide. The right to Privacy is not an absolute one and must be balanced. So long as the processing of the data is done in a manner which does not infringe privacy or result in unwarranted disclosure of personal data companies have a legitimate interest in ensuring that they can enforce the terms and conditions of contracts that are entered into.

    Where people chose to commit an illegal act in a public manner, or where through neglect or lack of domestic control they allow such acts to be committed, then a polite but firm reminder of their duties as parties to the contract is to be expected. Where that reminder is provided without personal data being disclosed to 3rd parties (as was the case previously) then this is a half-way house that balances competing rights but which must be kept under constant scrutiny to ensure that there is no scope creep, function spread, leakage or abuse.

  • The Cookie Monster Cometh

    First published on the Irish Computer Society Data Protection Blog. Republished here as it is my original work and I’m putting all my Data Protection musings in one place.

    So, this day next week (26th May) will see the introduction into Irish Law of Directive 2009/136/EC. It’s a tweak to the existing electronic privacy regulations. The ones that relate to spamming by fax, email and SMS and carry penalties of up to €5000 per breach.

    [update: Well the deadline came and went without the Irish Government enacting the legislation. We await further developments]

    [Update 2: Legislation in effect from 1st July 2011. See Data Protection Commissioner website for Guidance Note]

    These new regulations relate to Cookies, those little text files which are written to your computer by websites. Of course, it’s not just text files. Flash also has a version of ‘cookies’ to help track your interactions with flash movies or activites (so if you go away you can restart where you left off rather than having to go back to the beginning – for example in an e-learning package). The intention of the Directive is (amongst other things) to improve the personal privacy of internet users by controlling the use of cookies.

    While the intent of the Directive (to come into effect in a Statutory Instrument next Thursday) is relatively straightforward, the practicalities of implementing it may be challenging for organisations. Added to that there is a level of unawareness about the issue in Ireland, particularly on the business side of organisations. This will actually be the biggest challenge to Compliance.

    Organisations now need to step back and stop thinking of cookies and web development as a techie issue. Cookies are a data asset of the organisation which you use to achieve certain goals and purposes. The key key issues that need to be considered are:

    • What are your processes and their objectives?
    • How do cookies help you achieve those goals?
    • What information do you need to be writing to cookies to achieve your goals?
    • What things/services that people want to use on your site won’t work without cookies?

    The Regulations set out two sets of conditions where the use of the cookies is permitted. Either:

    1. You have gotten informed consent from the Data Subject by way of providing prominent and accessible information about your use of cookies and providing some means of recording the consent to those purposes (fyi: this cannot be a ‘passive’ process) OR
    2. Being able to identify that the use of the Cookies is strictly necessary for the delivery of services explicitly requested by the subscriber

    Being a little bit blunt about this, the first condition is only slightly more onerous than the existing requirements on websites who process personal data about individuals who have to provide a coherent statement of what they are going to use the personal data for (most don’t in my experience – the standards of some that I have looked at over the past few years often leaves a lot to be desired and is indicative of a ‘tick the box’ approach to Compliance).

    The second condition however gives a conditional pass, similar to the Lawful Processing condition of ‘Necessary to complete a contract’ under section 2 of the Data Protection Acts 1988 and 2003. Basically if you can demonstrate that the thing that the customer wants to do (and has asked to do) can’t be done without having a cookie to temporarily store some data on the subscribers ‘terminal equipment’.

    So. How do you do that? And how do you identify which of the cookies your site and processes are writing fall into the camp of needing to be flagged and consented to and which ones fall into the ‘doable because we can’t deliver without it’?

    By stepping back and looking at the MEANING and PURPOSE of the information you are writing to the devices of people who are visiting your site you can start to make informed business driven choices about what needs to be changed and why in terms of how your websites work. This means having to look at the process flow and information flow underpinning your website and informing yourself about what is being done where, why, how, and by whom.

    I can’t upload graphics to this blog, but over the next few weeks I’ll post some articles over on my company website that will examine some of the approaches to doing that kind of analysis as part of an Information Governance framework that will support Data Protection goals. However, it is important to note that this is not a job (just) for techies because you need to be very clear on the “Just because you can doesn’t mean you should” aspects of Data Protection. This must be lead by the Business leadership of the organisation because, ultimately, they are the people who will have to explain to the Data Protection Commissioner, the Courts, and Joe Duffy what the cookies on the website were doing.

    When you write a cookie to someone’s device (pc, phone etc.) you are essentially renting space from them to store information about them or their behaviour or what their interactions might be. Individuals can limit your ability to rent that space using browser settings to block cookies, but at the current state of the art these are somewhat crude tools and, in the case of Flash, are not actually a complete set of tools (you need to do different things to block Flash Cookies).

    The forthcoming regulations seek to introduce a rebalancing of the rights and duties relating to the information stored by and represented in cookies in line with the spirit and practice of Data Protection law and Privacy rights. It will take time for that balance to settle, but those who take the time now to understand the meaning and purpose of cookies they are using and their role in the processes running on their websites will be in a much stronger position to meet future Compliance standards under these regulations.

  • Data Breach Code of Practice

    A while back I had the privilege of being part of a group who formulated submissions to the Data Protection Commissioner regarding the Data Security Breach Code of Practice.

    That Code of Practice was presented to the Minister for Justice in July 2010, long before the dissolution of the Dáil in January 2011. There was one administrative step required to give it full legal effect. That step has not yet been taken.

    Apparently, carelessness with Personal Data (and, in the case of the Security Breach Code of practice, financial data as well) would appear not to be a ‘real crime’ in the eyes of the Dept of Justice. Despite the fact that it costs the UK economy £27bn per annum.

    Given that Fine Gael spearheaded moves to improve the protection of personal data privacy through a Private Members bill proposed by Simon Coveney TD, and during their election campaign they trumpeted the policy of “getting tough on white-collar crime” perhaps they should start with a holistic view of the culture of business and begin with one common element across all business, whether it is Financial Services, Healthcare, Telecommunications, or plumbing – the fact that every business, at some level, processes personal data about individuals in order to conduct business.

    What would I like to see from the new Govt which will take the reins of power in the coming week or so?

    1. Tie up the loose ends. Put the Code of Practice on a fully formed legal footing (and perhaps bump up the penalties that can be levied)
    2. Begin the process of renewing the Data Protection Acts. Even in advance of the new EU Directives in May and further down the road there are a number of things which can and should be done:
      1. Consolidate and simplify the legislation.
      2. Implement clear penalties for infringement of the Acts and penalise non-compliance
      3. Provide clear statutory frameworks to encourage compliance (e.g. Voluntary disclosure, whistleblower protections)
      4. Make clear the alignment between Data Protection regulation and other areas of good corporate governance.
    3. Require Enterprise Ireland and the various business development incubators that are promoting entrepreneurship to include some information/training/guidance on Data Protection principles and practice in their supports for start-ups (I’ve been through a Business Development programme and, despite the importance of personal data to the business models of 90% of the participants it was not even mentioned as a topic).
    4. Make the Office of the Commissioner revenue generating to a greater extent by having higher potential penalties and ensuring that prosecutions are taken to the fullest extent of the available penalties. In the UK the maximum penalty for a breach is £500k. Here it is, on a good day, only a fraction of that.

    Finally, the Government should ensure that the Data Protection Commissioner has adequate funding, resources, and supports to properly conduct and execute their responsibilities under the legislation. Whether that is achieved through the absorption of other agencies into the Commissioner’s remit is a matter for the Government (and the Commissioner) to decide on.

  • In the interest of Electoral Balance

    I’ve written previously about Fine Gael and their issues with avoiding Data Protection pitfalls during this current General Election.

    Some people might have gotten the impression that I’m obsessed with Fine Gael. I’m not. I’m obsessed with Data, specifically the management of data and information in manner that ensures quality outcomes through quality data governed with due regard to relevant legislation.

    On courses I teach on Data Protection and Information Quality I often make reference to “The Joe Duffy Effect” to describe the brand impacts that can arise if organisations don’t take care to manage information as a complex and valuable asset. The term refers to Joe Duffy, a talk radio host on Irish radio. Joe enjoys taking the side of the common man, usually. Occasionally he makes a jape of not getting the point, whether by accident or design we may never know. But organisations who fall foul of the “Joe Duffy Effect” can find themselves fighting rear guard actions against an often intractable foe.

    Last week Joe spoke with Jacob, a South African living in Ireland who had received a pre-recorded voicemail to his phone from Michael Martin. Jacob’s tale can be heard in Technicolour on the RTE website.

    From the call we glean that:

    1. A voicemail was received by Jacob on the 9th of February with a pre-recorded message (which Jacob played)
    2. He has apparently received SMS messages from Fianna Fail with calls for volunteering and campaigning.
    3. He is not a member of Fianna Fail
    4. He has not asked for Fianna Fail to contact him and does not know where they got his number.
    5. The mobile in question is used as an internal work mobile and is not listed. His number is only listed with the Road Safety Authority.

    In the broadcast Joe tells Jacob that we live in a democracy.

    Correct. We live in a democracy. Specifically we live in democracy where we have decided that the Right to Privacy, while not absolute, is a right that must be defended. Just because we are a democracy it does not give politicians an automatic carte blanche to process data regardless of where or how it has been obtained. These rights to privacy are enshrined in law, in the Constitution and in EU Treaty obligations. Yes, there are balances, mitigations and exemptions with respect to how that right is exercised and protected – but it is still a democratic right of the individual.

    During the course of the call, a comment from Fianna Fail was read out saying that they didn’t have Jacob’s number. That is at odds with the evidence – to whit: one recording. And if I’ve learned one thing from watching CSI is that evidence trumps counter claim every day.

    So, what is the Data Protection issue here:

    • Fair Obtaining – Jacob is not a member of the party and was not aware of how his number came to be called and texted. Granted his phone seems to be for work purposes, but the electronic Privacy regulations apply to business as well as personal data. Also, while he may use the phone for work purposes a big question to ask here is who is paying the bill – him, or a company. If he pays the bill the phone may actually be a personal phone used for business purposes (Sole Trader data is a tricky area in Data Protection land).
    • Governance and control of data and/or data processors – Fianna Fail claimed not to have Jacob’s number. The fact that a Fianna Fail party message was left by voicemail and various SMS messages were sent to him suggests that they do. Or if not them then someone working on their behalf. Under the Data Protection Acts, the Data Controller is responsible for the actions of the Data Processor unless the Data Processor acts outside the parameters of the formal contract in writing that governs the Data Controller/Data Processor relationship. So… while it may be true that FF HQ don’t have Jabob’s number, someone processing data on behalf of Fianna Fail does. Fianna Fail not knowing whether or not they had the data suggests a weakness in internal control and governance.
    • Accuracy – Joe D. suggested to Jacob that maybe the messages were being sent because of a wrong number. Personal data needs to be kept accurate and up to date. FF should have taken steps to correct the error rather than denying that they have the data. Ultimately FF carry the can for the actions of the Data Processor.

    Of course, there is the distinction to be made between normal “direct marketing” and the processing of personal data by a candidate for elected office. Basically during an election personal data is “fair game” for politicians, provided they have obtained it correctly first and have clear consents for contact. Which puts the discussion of “auto dialling” or “power dialling” on the table. According to the Data Protection Commissioner’s website:

    The use of automatic dialling machines, to call individual subscribers at random for direct marketing purposes, is prohibited, unless subscribers’ consent has been obtained in advance.  Unsolicited fax messages to individual subscribers are likewise prohibited.

    That is why it is important to know who the “subscriber” is to Jacob’s phone. If it is a limited company or similar legal entity, then it is not a call to an “individual” subscriber. If it is his phone or he is a sole trader or part of a partnership, then it is possible that he is an “individual subscriber” and as such the use of an autodialler to RANDOMLY call numbers for direct marketing would be illegal. Dialling from a preloaded list is OK. So long as the list has been fairly obtained and takes into account NDD Opt-out requests etc. And then there is the grey area of the Political exemptions from the Data Protection Acts.

    The DPC has issued guidelines to all political parties before the election. My sense is that these guidelines may have been breached in this case.

    During previous election campaigns, the Commissioner received numerous complaints from individuals in receipt of unsolicited SMS (text) messages, emails and phone calls from political parties and candidates for election.  In many cases, the individual had no previous contact with the political party or candidate and was concerned at the manner in which their details were sourced.  Subsequent investigations revealed that contact details were obtained from sources such as sports clubs, friends, colleagues and schools.  Obtaining personal data in such   circumstances would constitute a breach of the Data Protection Acts, as there would be no consent from the individual for their details to be obtained and used in this way.

    So.. Fianna Fail need to know where their Data Processors are getting their data from. The evidence says they have Jacob’s phone (and who knows who elses’) but don’t know they have Jacob’s phone. That suggests that the Data Controller is not in Control of the Data. Which is a problem in and of itself.

    Fine Gael are not the only Data protection flaunters in this election. Fianna Fail have had their moments too. The Green Party STILL don’t have a Privacy statement. And I’m sure the others have slipped up along the way as well. But that is a discussion for another day.

  • There is oft a slip twixt tweet and twolicy

    This blog post is basically the text of an audioboo I recorded at 9:30 this morning which has disappeared into the ether ne’er to be found.

    Fine Gael have launched their “Twolicy Page”. I won’t comment on the hideous neologistic portmanteau that is “Twolicy”, other than to say it that seems to have been dreamed up by a pat.

    What strikes me about the “Twolicy” page is that it is yet another import of an American election campaign tool into Irish Politics, particularly with the concept of the “E-Canvasser”. Fine Gael dynamically tell us that the E-Canvasser (perhaps some distant cousin of the “Cyber Reporter” who has emerged as the colour piece of the day on certain Irish current affairs shows?) will

    knock on all cyber doors by delving into the depths of Facebook, Twitter, Youtube, Flickr and more! Through the simple medium of sending e-mails, facebooking and tweeting messages of support for Fine Gael you can pledge your commitment to fixing the Irish economy.”

    This is a strategy which exists to some extent in Irish politics even today. Many of the letters to Madame Editor are crafted examples of “Astroturfing” – something that appears to be a grass roots movement but is not. I first became aware of the concept back in 2002 when I spotted the Republican Party in the US running “GOPTeamLeader.com” (which, thanks to the interweb waybackmachine I can bring to you in hideous technicolour). Basically the party recruits a team of volunteers who are tasked with sending “on-message” communications to the media (which in 2001 was the newspapers, TV, and radio). In return, the GOP provided a set of reward points (like Green Shield Stamps) which could be saved up and exchanged for rewards such as barbecues, autographed photographs of the Reichsfuerher candidate, and (if memory serves me correctly, an RV.

    Fine Gael liken this to door to door canvassing. However that analogy does not hold true because the Internet is not a housing estate or public street. Drop a bus load of eager canvassers on my door step and they will be able to

    1. See my house
    2. See my neighbours’ houses

    They will not need to ask my neighbour to throw leaflets over my back wall. They will see the big sign in my hall window warning them of the fate that will befall them should they ring the bell and seek discourse (“Warning – political nut lives here”). And most of them are clued in enough to know that the “no canvassers” sticker in the window means that stuffing my letter box with bumph will just be providing stimulus to the paper recycling industry.

    The Internet is different. Social media is different. Whoring out your personal contact list to a political party is different. And because it is different, we find ourselves to an extent in uncharted territory with regard to the Data Protection implications of Social Media driven Astroturfing.

    Right now I have a contact list of 413 followers on Twitter for my personal account. I have a second twitter account that is for my business. People who follow me know (from my profile and what I tweet about) that I’m a Data nut and I do data protection and information quality training so content about those things will pop up in my timeline. People who follow me also know I’m a bit of a politics geek and enjoy holding our leaders to account. But I try and keep my business tweeting separate from my personal tweeting. And when I whore myself out too much on Twitter, I get friendly DMs from people or I get unfollowed.

    This is because the contact details of my friends are information I have gathered for domestic purposes. As such the Data Protection Acts don’t apply. If I was to sign up to be an e-Canvasser (and I can’t get the image of a canvasser handing out bags of yokes out of my head) we would then face the question of whether I was still processing that data for Domestic use or whether I had become a Data Processor working on behalf of Fine Gael, a Data Controller.

    The key question would seem to be how much control Fine Gael are exerting over the content and communication from their e-Canvasser Astroturfers, and whether they are offering any form of reward or incentive for people to encourage them to pimp out their domestic contact lists.

    If Fine Gael are simply being “passive” and are relying on individuals to act on content that is made available, then there is probably no substantial issue here. It is a case of a person finding content on the web that they think would be of interest to their personal network. We do this every day. It is the way the social web works. Of course, that then raises the question of why they would need you to sign up to their team for this purpose… surely the type of political nut blogger who would retweet or repost their bumph would do so anyway without having to be officially flagged as an “E-Canvasser”?

    If Fine Gael are being “neutral” and are simply flagging content to people who have signed up and asking them to do what they see fit with it, then this too is probably OK. The analogy would be the charity that Tweets out a fundraising message and asks their followers to retweet it to send the fundraising virally. The charity has not asked you to commit to being an active fundraiser on their behalf.

    However, if Fine Gael are specifying specific content into specific constituencies at specific times and are exercising control over the content of the messages that are being sent, then we are into a potentially problematic area.

    The e-Canvasser would not on the Fine Gael payroll. But they would be, in effect, processing personal data on behalf of Fine Gael as part of the “Fine Gael Team”. It would be interesting to find out how much direct “editorial” control that FG are placing on the Facebook Statuses that people are “donating” (and where does this fit in SIPO? What is the monetary value of a person’s Facebook status?) or the emails to “family and friends”. This is personal data that was given to them for a domestic purpose, not for the purposes of canvassing for Fine Gael. Once they commence a “active” canvassing then the use of the data has likely changed from “domestic” to political and the Data Protection Acts would apply. If Fine Gael are directing the timing of messages, the content of messages, and/or the audiences for messages then the e-Canvasser is being directed in their processing by the Data Controller, Fine Gael. And, as Data Controller, Fine Gael would need to ensure that there was clarity about the new political use of the personal data and a clear mechanism for the Data Subject (the canvasser’s family and friends) to opt-out would need to be in place – and FG would, of necessity, need to push this responsibility down to the Canvasser.

    Otherwise, FG would not have obtained the data fairly for the purposes of electoral canvassing. It would be no different than if they had asked the local GAA club to email all their members to let them know about Fine Gael’s new policy on tax relief on sliotars and faceguards for hurlers. And that is the kind of thing that the Data Protection Commissioner has already warned against.

    Things become an order of magnitude more complicated if Fine Gael are running any kind of incentive scheme for e-Canvassers to drive up the publication of their AstroTurf message.

    Of course, Fine Gael have probably thought this through and will have the necessary protocols in place to ensure that there is a mechanism for a Canvasser’s friends to opt out of receiving Fine Gael campaign materials by email, Facebook or Twitter. They have probably realised that people have the same reaction to junk mail on-line as they do at their door step and need to have the ability to put up an on-line “No Canvassers” sign.

    Currently the only opt-out mechanism I can see is to unfriend people, unfollow them or block them. Which is exactly what I would do in the physical world if a friend of mine kept ramming leaflets and policy statements from a political party into my face.

    Of course, in the absence of such an opt-out facility, Fine Gael (as Data Controller) and the e-Canvasser (as Data Processor) would need to be cautious of falling foul of SI526 2008 (the e-Privacy regulations) which carry a fine of €5000 per breach, capped at €50,000 for an individual. While Twitter and Facebook might not be mentioned in the legislation, email is in section 13(1).

    b) A person shall not use or cause to be used any publicly available electronic communications service to send an unsolicited communication for the purpose of direct marketing by means of electronic mail, to a subscriber, who is a natural person, unless the person has been notified by that subscriber that for the time being he or she consents to the receipt of such a communication. 

    [edit to clarify some points raised by @tjmcintyre]

    Now, the DPC has ruled in the past that there is an exemption covering the Direct Mail (including email and texting)

    carried out in the course of political activities by a political party or its members, or by a candidate for election to, or a holder of, elective political office

    Question: is the eCanvasser the political party (I would argue yes if FG are exerting sufficient control that they would become a Data Controller)? In which case, the processing is possibly covered.

    But I would suggest that this exemption assumes that the email or tweet would be clearly coming from Xyz@partyname.ie or an individual clearly identifying themselves as a member of the party or publicly known to be a candidate for election or an elected official. Getting an email from “yourbestmate@gmail.com’ telling you to go and look at Fine Gael policies, where that email has been sent on the instruction of and under the Control of the party or candidate would seem to me to fall outside the scope of issues already decided.

    [/edit]

    So, the upshot is that while physical world canvassers have to be careful of yappy dogs, cats that bite and political nuts who have hard questions, eCanvassers need to consider both the social acceptability and potential legality of pimping out their personal contact lists on behalf of a political party. Such tactics are de rigeur in the US. But the US does not operate with the same privacy legislation as Ireland, so ideas imported from overseas must be vetted properly to ensure that no Compliance risks arise.

    I would be interested to see what the Data Protection Commissioner’s response to or advice on formal ecanvassing that places the data at arms length but creates a de facto Data Processor/Data Controller relationship would be, particularly if that relationship is not obvious to the recipient of the email or tweet. [update] Perhaps it would be sufficient for the emailer or tweeter to clearly flag that they are part of a formal eCanvassing team acting on behalf of and under the instruction of Fine Gael?[/update]

    [update] But the issue of whether the change of use of the data from domestic to overtly political will, in my personal view, give rise to questions of whether the data has been obtained fairly for that new purpose, which is a point already clearly settled in the mind of the DPC.[/update]

     

     

  • If you’re going to wave a sword, know where the pointy bit is

    Over the weekend two Irish newspapers (Irish Examiner and Sunday Tribune) reported that one of our leading Trade Unions had filed a complaint with the Data Protection Commissioner on behalf of staff who had received letters by courier from their employer with whom they are engaged in an industrial relations dispute.

    While I’m all in favour of seeing discussion and comment on the Data Protection Acts in Irish media, I am dismayed to see poorly explained use of the legislation and am concerned that this might be a precedent setting strategy that results in nonsensical and vexatious complaints diverting the already limited resources of the Data Protection Commissioner’s Office (only 20 people) away from dealing with the many real and valid complaints and queries they get each day.

    Yes, Aer Lingus have duties to their employees under the Data Protection Acts to keep their data safe and secure, to only process it for specific stated purposes, and to only process data in a way or quantity that is relevant and not excessive to the stated purposes. However the Data Protection Acts do NOT prevent employers engaging in legitimate communication with staff members using legitimate 3rd party Data Processors to do so, so long as there are appropriate controls in place and the original intent to engage in that communication is consistent with the purposes for which the personal data was originally provided to the employer.

    From the media coverage, it appears that IMPACT’s position is that employers can’t write to their staff because personal data is shared with 3rd parties (in this case a courier company but it could just as easily be An Post).

    IMPACT may have grounds for a complaint if Aer Lingus specifically targeted the communication to members of the Trade Union using information contained in the HR or payroll systems of Aer Lingus (e.g. deduction of trade union dues at source). This issue was specifically addressed by the Commissioner in relation to attempts by the Dept of Education to deduct pay from teachers who took industrial action based on the fact that the Dept was processing a payroll deduction at source facility. However, Aer Lingus appear to have used the fact that the staff member is not on the payroll (i.e. is not being paid) as the trigger for the letter, this issue may not arise.

    The Union may have grounds for proposing that by sending a batch of letters out to individuals at a time of industrial strife, the courier company could deduce that the addressees were Trade Union members. But, in that context, it must be suggested that Aer Lingus should have appropriate contract terms with the courier company regarding security and unauthorised secondary processing (e.g. making a list) (I’ve written about this on my company’s website today). In addition, if Aer Lingus are sending letters to staff in relation to their work schedules and their contracts of employment they could probably be able to rely on lawful processing conditions under Section 2a and Section 2b of the Data Protection Acts.

    IMPACT may have grounds to argue that there was excessive processing as it seems mobile phone numbers were provided to the Courier company as well. However, Aer Lingus might take the position that that was felt to be a necessary step to ensure delivery of the letters could be made in a timely manner. Again, this might fall under a lawful processing condition under S2a or S2b of the Acts.

    For example, Dell made my mobile number available to the UPS driver who delivered my computer. Likewise they made my mobile number available to the support technician who replaced my keyboard. It all depends on the validity of the purpose and whether a valid Lawful Processing condition can be met. There were lawful processing reasons there in relation to the execution of a contract. Consent was not required (but was asked for).

    What is clear from the media coverage is that:

    1. If you engaging a Data Processor (in this case the Courier) you need to be clear what the minimum necessary information is to achieve your objective and share no more than this. Aer Lingus might argue that the provision of mobile phone numbers was necessary to ensure delivery was made as quickly as possible. The key question to ask is whether the same objective can be met in other ways (for example, would it have been better for Aer Lingus to get the Courier company to report to them on undelivered letters and for Aer Lingus to ring around where delivery was not successful?)
    2. If you are a Data Controller and you are sending letters or otherwise processing personal data during a time of industrial unrest, you should be very clear the purposes for the processing and the specific lawful processing conditions you will be relying on.
    3. If you are a representative body presenting a story to the media or making a complaint you need to be clear what the grounds are for the complaint you are making. Querying the legitimate use of a courier company to send letters and implying threats to the security of staff as a result does a disservice to everyone. Specifically pointing out that the provision of certain data may have been excessive or that the airline had not ensured appropriate security of the data by way of a contract with their Data Processor clearly highlights lack of care or

    Dragging the Data Protection Acts in to the middle of an Industrial Relations dispute should be done with care. To do so without clarity as to the specific nature of the complaint and the specific characteristics of the breach that you suspect will result in a waste of the resources of the Commissioner’s Office and will serve to only compound the half-truths and untruths that abound about the Data Protection law in Ireland.

    Using the Office of the Commissioner as a negotiating tool is disingenuous and does a disservice to the important role that the Commissioner continues to play in the development of compliant and trustworthy practices in Irish commercial life.